After the election, Israel has several options — some of which are good

I’ve been discussing with my American friends for a long time which country has a better or worse government system. They argued that the Israeli coalition system was confused, unlike the American system, where the president was fully elected for four years and therefore could carry out his plans.

They said the prime minister was constantly being blackmailed by extremists who could beat him at any time. Therefore, they continued to insist, Israel is ungovernable because the prime minister thinks only about their own immediate survival, not about what is good for the country.

On the other hand, I argued that the Israeli system was superior. This is because controversial campaigns can take place shortly after the election day, and the central parties work together to mediate the compromise. In contrast, whenever the Democratic Party is elected President of the United States, half of Americans believe that the White House was hijacked by Communists. If the Republicans win, I think America was overwhelmed by fascism for the other half.

After each round of debate, my friend and I agreed to oppose.

But for the fourth time in just two years, following the election in Israel on Tuesday, I reconsidered. This time, not only was the campaign more fragmented than ever, but when the dust settled down, for the first time in Israeli history, it turned out that there were few possible ways to form a government — and fifth. Horrible Choice Elections are not out of the question.

Needless to say, Israel is facing a serious government crisis. The instability poses a strategic threat to countries that face numerous challenges on a daily basis, such as the current COVID-19 crisis.

The Israeli Institute for Democracy (IDI) has a remedy for this. In 2015 Position paper, IDI President Yohanan Plesner and Hebrew University Political Scientist Professor Gideon Rahat suggest: The new government formed by the Prime Minister will no longer require confirmation by parliamentary investiture. “

The authors also recommend a constructive vote of a motion of no confidence. This means that the government cannot be overthrown by a circumstantial ambush only by evidence that the candidate has a serious coalition behind him.

Unfortunately, this is just a position paper on the shelf, during which time Naftali Bennett, the leader of the Yamina right-wing party, who won only seven of the 120 seats in Knesset, said that his seven missions were Probably because it determines the blocks that will form the next coalition.

A closer look at the election results reveals Israel’s stalemate and fractional political situation, as so many parties have few Knesset seats, except in fact that there was a clear decision. You can continue to mourn. These elections were not contested over real issues that the Israelis were worried about (such as the future of their relationship with Palestinians), but only at one issue. Final analysis revealed that the anti-vivi block was larger.

Even if Netanyahu is very unlikely to form any government, it consists of some of the darkest aspects of Israeli society, such as homophobia, racism, anti-liberalism, and ignorance of international treaties. Once shivering at such an idea, he now did nothing when the trial on corruption charges began, hoping that such a coalition government would somehow save him.

But what if Netanyahu doesn’t have enough authority to form a government, even with the fluctuating Bennett? Here we are facing the election dark horse. The unified Arabist Ram, who is affiliated with a Muslim brother who won four seats in Knesset, may give Netanyahu the key to Premiership.

In return, Netanyahu, who instigated Israeli Arabs in the 2015 elections, would have to treat them as legitimate political partners. If that happens, even in these nasty elections, it’s a disguised blessing.

Uri Doromi was a spokesman for the Rabin and Perez governments from 1992 to 1996.

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