Iran has a reason to be happy with Biden
A spokesman for one of the world’s leading state sponsors of terrorism has proclaimed victory in hopes that the Biden administration will begin indirect negotiations in Vienna on Tuesday to revive the disastrous Obama-era nuclear deal in Iran. “We see this position as realistic and promising,” said the administration’s flaw, Ali Rabbie, in hopes that President Biden would agree to lift the devastating sanctions. I did. “It may be the beginning of fixing the bad process that was stalling diplomacy.” The “bad process” means that the Trump administration is actually serious about Iran’s nuclear ambitions and the volatile impacts in the region. Refers to the maximum pressure campaign received by. Trump fined Iran and took out Kasem Solei Mani, the chief architect of the terrorist strategy. And in 2018, he successfully withdrew from the nuclear agreement, officially known as the Joint Comprehensive Plan of Action (or “JCPOA”). No immediate breakthrough is expected this week, but Iran’s deputy foreign minister, Abbas Alach, who led the Iranian delegation, constructively called for Tuesday’s discussions and said “expert-level” discussions would continue on Friday. Announced. It’s no wonder the administration is very dazzled. The mere existence of these arguments shows the Biden administration’s interest in diplomatic theaters that obscure Tehran’s move to a negotiating position. On February 7, Biden was asked during an interview with CBS if he would lift sanctions to bring Iran back to the table. He simply answered: “No.” He also said that Iran must first stop uranium enrichment. However, cracks began to appear on the way to Vienna. Last Friday, US special envoy to Iran, Robert Murray, told PBS NewsHour: Other countries involved in the nuclear deal with Iran. Prior to the meeting on Monday, State Department spokesman Ned Price declined to ask questions about easing sanctions. “I’ll leave that to the negotiator to elaborate on the position,” he said, effectively leaving the possibilities open. The Wall Street Journal quoted a senior government official on the same day, explaining that Iranians are calling for “the first gesture to pave the way for these negotiations,” including easing sanctions. “That was their idea and we went ahead,” he added. To be clear, there is no guarantee that the United States will provide sanctions relief as a direct result of the Vienna talks, but it looks like things are going on. In any case, the talks can be done from whether the Biden administration should re-conclude bad deals as an intermediate step to a “subsequent agreement” to address other aspects of Iran’s actions. It shows that we want to shift to the debate. The deal negotiated by the Obama team was fundamentally flawed if the goal was to detain Iran. It allowed the administration to continue working on ballistic missiles and maintain “private” nuclear programs, while allowing hundreds of billions of dollars to flow to Iran in advance. In a frenzy to get Iran to agree on restrictions on uranium enrichment, negotiators did not address Iran’s support for international terrorism. Nevertheless, the sunset clause allowed uranium enrichment restrictions to begin to be phased out in 10 to 15 years. Even if Iran followed the letter agreement, it would still be a more powerful traditional threat and still allowed to carry out terrorism, while maintaining the long-term option of becoming a nuclear power. Of course, it violates repeated transactions anyway and maintains a nuclear archive forever. More recently, in February, the International Atomic Energy Agency announced that Iran produced uranium metal at one of its nuclear power plants. Even modest steps to lift sanctions in the Trump era will largely hinder Iran’s hopes of making some concessions on the myriad of problems that Obama’s deal couldn’t address. Any form of sanctions relaxation will be the lifeline of the administration that was hampered by the maximum pressure campaign. In the weeks leading up to Vienna, Biden’s top executives made it clear that such concessions were offshore. In addition, they repeat one of the major mistakes made by Obama’s national security team. In short, the Obama administration was anxious to sign an agreement that could claim to have addressed the nuclear issue, so it disagreed with Iran’s malicious behavior around the world and oiled the bargaining circle on every occasion. Pour. Similarly, under Biden, US officials reportedly discussed with South Korea the unfreezing of Iran’s assets detained by oil sanctions. They refused to oppose the potential $ 5 billion IMF loan to the country and seemed to have turned a blind eye to selling Iran’s oil to Chinese companies that would violate sanctions. All the while, the administration would do little to put pressure on Iran’s agents, and telegramed that it was even reducing the footprints of US troops in the Gulf region. Unlike the Trump administration, the Biden team was unable to link Iran’s regional activities with the nuclear issue. The designation of Iran-backed Houthi rebel foreign terrorist organizations has already been removed, and sanctions on chopping blocks are reportedly related to terrorism. From the beginning, the administration has promised that after both sides have returned to full compliance with the JCPOA, they will seek “longer and stronger” deals to address these issues. The problem is that once the US eases sanctions, Tehran will have no incentive to negotiate additional agreements. The Biden administration is wasting the leverage it has struggled to gain, and there will be nothing to show it. The only way this strategy makes sense is whether it is by design. It is a well-known fact that Obama officials have envisioned a reorganization of Iran into a more influential region in the Middle East, away from traditional alliances with Israel and the Arab Gulf countries. And there is reason to believe that the Biden administration, which includes many of the same officials, shares similar ideas. The concessions that make Iran more economically powerful are in line with this vision. In any case, when Washington and Tehran finally meet in person, the latter will prevail, weakening US regional allies and making it easier for Iran to achieve its nuclear ambitions and threaten the world. it is clear.