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New York Times

George Floyd’s death rekindled the movement. What happened now?

George Floyd died just hours before the movement began. Driven by horrific videos and word-of-mouth, people rushed to a crossroads in South Minneapolis, killed shortly after Memorial Day, and demanded the end of police violence against African Americans. The moment of collective sadness and anger quickly gave way to a year-long national debate about what it means to be black in the United States. The first protests in big cities and small towns across the country made it the largest mass protest in US history. Then, in the next few months, nearly 170 Confederate symbols were renamed or removed from public space. The Black Lives Matter slogan was claimed by the country working on Floyd’s death. In the next 11 months to sign up for the morning newsletter from the New York Times, the call for racial justice hasn’t happened since the civil rights movement in the 1960s, on a scale historians say, every aspect of American life. Will touch. On Tuesday, white police officer Derek Chauvin, who knelt on Floyd, was convicted of manslaughter and murder. The ruling has provided some comfort to activists for racial justice that have been riveted in court dramas for the past few weeks. But for many black Americans, the real change is elusive, given how relentless police killing of black men continues, especially in the recent shootings of Dante Wright in the suburbs of Minneapolis. I feel it. There are also signs of repulsion. Laws have emerged in the Republican-controlled state legislature to reduce access to votes, protect police, and effectively criminalize public protests. Otis Moss III, a pastor of the Trinity United Christian Church in Chicago, said racial calculations were incorrect about what had happened in the past year. “Reconing suggests that we’re really struggling with how to rethink everything from criminal justice to food deserts to health inequalities. We don’t,” he said. “We are dealing with the symptoms, but we have not yet dealt with the disease,” the conviction on Tuesday said. Just before the verdict was announced, NAACP president Derrick Johnson called Floyd’s death “a moment for America, Selma, Alabama.” What happened in Selma in 1965 “showed the need to pass the Voting Rights Act of 1965 by monitoring the world,” he said. “Witnessing the killing of George Floyd last year should trigger extensive reforms in the country’s police.” The whole arc of the Floyd case-from his death and protest to Chauvin’s trial and conviction- Was developed against the backdrop of the coronavirus pandemic, which turned further attention to the racial inequality of the country: the people of color were among those biggest blows by the virus and the subsequent economic turmoil. And for many, Floyd’s death has weighed on other episodes of police violence over the last decade. This list includes the deaths of Eric Garner, Lacuan McDonald, Michael Brown, and Breona Taylor. In the months following Floyd’s death, some changes were concrete. Numerous police reform laws have been introduced at the state level. The company promised billions of dollars in the cause of racial equality, and the NFL apologized for not supporting protests against police violence by black players. The repulsion was also different. Racist statements by dozens of civil servants, from the mayor to the fire chief, related to Floyd’s death, probably previously tolerated, sacrificed their work and made others anti-racist. Sent to training. And, at least initially, America’s views on various questions related to racial inequality and police have shifted to a level rarely seen in polls. Americans, especially white Americans, could support the Black Lives Matter movement, saying that racism is a major issue and excessive police force is disproportionately harming African Americans. The sex is much higher than in recent years. Floyd’s death was what most Americans agreed to early last summer and was part of a broader pattern rather than an isolated episode. A poll of voters registered in June in the New York Times showed that more than one in ten people participated in the protest. And at that time, even Republican politicians in Washington had expressed support for police reform. But this shift proved to be a moment for Republicans, both elected leaders and voters. When some protests became destructive and Donald Trump’s reelection campaign began to use those scenes in political advertising, polls were receding in their view that discrimination was a problem for white Republicans. Showed the members. The campaign gave voters more and more choice. They can support racial equality or support law and order. Republican officials once screamed and silenced about Floyd. “If you were on the Republican side, the Trump side of this equation, the message would be:” No, we lose our position, so we can’t admit it’s horrifying. ” Monmouth University Polling Institute. “Our view of the world is that we are against them, and those protesters will be part of them.” But Floyd’s death, at least for now, It has caused some changes among non-Republican white Americans in their perception of racial inequality and their support for reform. And it helped solidify the move of college-educated suburban voters to the Democratic Party, who were already disappointed with what was considered Trump’s racism. David Bailey, a non-profit organization based in Richmond, Virginia, helping churches across the country do racial reconciliation work, said: “People’s attitudes have changed at some level. I’m not entirely sure what that means, but I hope I’m seeing something different.” But the mayor and Joe • Even among Democratic leaders, including President Biden, disappointment with police violence is often paired with warnings that protesters also avoid violence. Davin Phoenix, a political scientist at the University of California, Irvine, said the link between black political anger and violence is deeply rooted in the United States and hasn’t collapsed in the past year. “They are said to have taken power from the White House elected people before the blacks had the opportunity to handle the feelings of trauma and sadness.” Don’t do this. “” Said Phoenix. “I wish more politicians, at least those who claimed to be allies, would rely on the police to say,’Don’t do this, don’t do it.'” After Floyd’s death. Protests have become more and more part of it. A fierce American conversation over politics. Most were peaceful, but some cities suffered looting and property damage, and their images were frequently disseminated on television and social media. Republicans cited protests as an example of the left wing losing control. The Blue Lives Matter flag was hanging from my house last fall. When support for Trump boiled and turned into violence at the US Capitol on January 6, conservatives said they were a double standard on how the two movements were treated. Expressed anger. Biden took office in January and vowed to make racial equality central to all elements of his agenda: how to distribute the coronavirus vaccine, how to build federal infrastructure, and how to develop climate policy. He swiftly made the changes most likely to be made by the democratic government, reviving police consent and fair housing rules. But as a unique moment when Biden was elected, and as a sign that he owed black voters to his promotion, his administration also declared racism a serious threat to public health. Black unemployment is a gauge of economic health. What wasn’t well captured in polls was whether white liberals would change their behavior to increase racial inequality. While protests against Floyd’s death raised awareness, other pandemic-related tendencies only exacerbated that inequality. Not only did this disproportionately hurt black families and workers by pandemics, but white students got better in distance education and white homeowners gained wealth in the enthusiastic housing market. It was also true for the sake of it. In this year’s national sample of white Americans, Wellesley College political scientist Jennifer Chudy is likely to support limited private behavior, even for the most racially sympathetic. I found. This includes, for example, educating oneself about racism rather than choosing to live in a racially diverse community or informing elected officials and policy makers of racial issues. Includes listening to people of colored races. Still, historians exaggerate the stimulating impact of Floyd’s death on public discourse, police, as well as how racism is incorporated into public and private institutional policies. I say it’s difficult. Some black business leaders have spoken in unusually personal terms about their experience of racism and have called on the business world for too few over the years. “Corporate America has failed Black America,” said the Ford Foundation and PepsiCo, Ralph Lauren, Square board members — and dozens of brands promised to diversify their workforce. National protests over racism in the United States broke out around the world, sparking protests in Berlin, London, Paris, Vancouver, British Columbia, and the capitals of Africa, Latin America, and the Middle East. White Americans unfamiliar with the concept of structural racism have pushed books on this topic to the top of the best-selling list. Robin DG Kelly, a historian at the University of California, Los Angeles protests, said last year’s protests against police violence were more than protests after other police shot and killed black men, women and children in the last decade. Also said that he was racially diverse. .. And, unlike in the past, they promoted police financing — the most widespread demands to transform police — mainstream. “We’ve organized more, more people have gathered on the streets, and more and more people are saying,” It’s not enough to fix the system, it needs to be removed and replaced. ” “Kelly said. The organizers worked to turn the energy of protest into true political power by encouraging enormous voter registration. By the fall, racial justice was also a matter of campaign. Most Democratic candidates have addressed racial disparities in the campaign, including calling for police reform, dismantling the bail system, and creating a private review board. “We look back on this moment forever in American history. The death of George Floyd has created new energies for making changes, but it’s not clear how long they will last.” Said Rashad Robinson, President of the Color of Change. “His death has brought racial justice to the forefront and brought about an unprecedented multi-ethnic reaction, a task that makes Chauvin accountable and systematic. Don’t forget. ”One of the clear policy outcomes is the change in policing. Since Floyd’s murder, more than 30 states have passed new police surveillance and reform legislation, giving more power to the states and putting a strong police union on the defensive. Changes include limiting the use of force, reviewing disciplinary systems, increasing private sector surveillance, and demanding transparency regarding cases of fraud. Still, the police system is complex and well-established, and it remains to be seen how much the law will change the way we work in the field. “America is a deep racist place and is getting better and better. Both are true,” said Bailey, a racist reconciliation worker in Richmond. “You’re talking about a 350-year issue of over 50 years to fix.” This article was originally published in The New York Times. © 2021 The New York Times Company