The last three months have been a challenge for the White House reporters, who have been with Trumpshaw’s son and Lumiere for four years.
As I told the audience the other day, perhaps unwise, the transition from Trump to Joe Biden was like going from a daily crack pipe to a small bottle of low-alcohol beer once a week.
Today, the daily White House briefing is Snooze Fest. There is no quarrel or name call.
There are no late-night Twitter storms, pornstar payments, or violent MAGA rallies.
So does this all mean that it was a boring president? Absolutely not. This is a far more interesting presidential position than any of us could have imagined. I go until I say it’s fascinating.
The sad thing from a purely selfish point of view is that it’s not spectacular made for television. This is what I have enjoyed over the last four years.
Donald Trump has always turned to visual and ridiculous things. He knew how to get himself into the spotlight. Biden seems to enjoy the lack of acting, and seems to think that it is more important for people to focus on what he offers than what he says. The strangest.
We have reported that Joe Biden (all of his 1978) will be interim president. He will be there to lower the political temperature. Trying to heal a divided country.
Remove absurd politics from your reaction to Covid. Improves vaccine deployment. Eliminate poison from the body politic. But that aside, don’t overdo it.
He appointed primarily technocratic cabinets, perhaps to perform administrative functions. Maybe it’s a little better to get the train on time, but not all vehicles, not to mention changing the railroad gauge. Amtrak Joe’s ambitions.
But maybe we’re all wrong with that. Is it possible that he is transforming, rather than being transient?
And the word has no positive or negative implications-it’s just a statement based on the ambitions of what we’ve seen so far. Voters quickly decide whether it is good or bad.
Let’s start with a $ 1.9 trillion (£ 1.35 trillion) stimulus.
The headline from the passage of this huge bill was that almost all adult Americans would receive a $ 1,400 check to help address the difficulties posed by the pandemic. It was cash on hand for many Americans, with similarly large approvals from Democratic and Republican voters, but none of the Republican lawmakers endorsed the proposal.
But beyond the headline, lift the lid of this policy a little further. There are many things to see. Perhaps most important is the extension of the child tax credit. Poor families can soon receive up to $ 3,000 per child per year. It is estimated that this one measure will literally allow millions of young people to get out of poverty. Currently, this measure is only for 2021, but within the White House it is clear that Joe Biden wants to make it permanent.
It is a major part of social policy. It’s a big potato.
Biden did something he felt wrong when Barack Obama came to power and inherited the turmoil of the 2009 financial crisis as the stimulus (more properly called the American Rescue Package) passed. I wanted to fix it. Yes, Obama has gone through a variety of steps, but in retrospect they were considered too cautious. Not ambitious enough.
One insight that Biden has borrowed from his time as Vice President of America’s first African-American president is not to waste a good crisis. The urgency of the pandemic gave Biden the excuses needed to drive a large-scale plan. And he got over it.
Now look at what he plans to rebuild America’s infrastructure. Again, the price tag is in the trillions of dollars. Again, the ambition is immeasurable-not just the steady repair of bridges and roads (although it is important and important). It’s about making digital access fairer-but it’s wider than that. Much wider.
“It’s not a plan to tinker with the edges,” the president told an audience outside Pittsburgh. “This is a generational investment in the United States.”
For Republicans, it’s a typical government overkill, hitting more social engineering than the types of citizens usually associated with highway repairs.
The wishlist of what Biden wants to achieve from this infrastructure plan is growing. We aim to create millions of jobs in the short term and strengthen America’s competitiveness in the long term. It hopes to lead to greater racial equality. Focusing on new, cleaner energy sources promises to help the country fight climate change.
See also his ambitious goals for climate change at the Virtual Summit in Washington last week on that subject. These are not steady presidential actions. Reducing emissions by 52% by the end of the decade is a big deal.
No one knows if he will achieve that-it will require Americans to change the way they drive. How they heat and cool the house. How the industry works. But if ambition is to show American ambition, it’s ambition, hmm.
Now, obviously, this shopping list has elements of motherhood and apple pie. And the bill had to pass Congress, and it didn’t happen.
And let me add this while I’m doing the job of saying “and” … The focus for the first 100 days has been a bit ridiculous.
The first 100 days are an expression of intent that is a down payment for what you might do in the rest of the time. But frankly, if the subsequent 1,360 stinks and sinks, who cares if the first 100 days are shining?
That said, the statement of intent is so great that it makes the boring old Joe Biden so interesting.
This is a blog column, not a book, but arguably the dominant idea in American politics over the last 40 years has been to encourage Ronald Reagan’s low taxes, economic regulation, budget balance, competition and limit unions. It was a small government. ..
The same is true for the influence of Thatcherism in the United Kingdom. Yes, there was a Labor government for 13 years after Maggie’s death, as was the term Clinton and Obama since Reagan. But undoubtedly, they worked in the legitimacy of monetarist economists who had such intellectual upheavals on both sides of the Atlantic Ocean and were defined by it: Milton Friedman, Chicago School, Laffer. Curve, Sir Alan Walters.
If Obama’s rescue package wasn’t advanced enough (as Biden believes), it’s certainly because he saw the destructive and growing power of the conservative Tea Party movement. was. Both Clinton and Blair saw the path to victory through the elusive “third way,” that is, free market economic liberalism with great concern for the least wealthy.
For both British Labor and US Democrats, they wondered what they needed to do to win after the demoralizing defeat of the 1980s. Both Bill Clinton and Tony Blair have come to firmly believe that tax increases and big government pledges will not reverse that trend.
But Biden, for better or for worse, seems to take advantage of the pandemic and dire state of American infrastructure to tell the American people, “Yeah, big government is back,” without apologizing. It is the territory that Republican opponents (still trying to sort out their post-Trumpian identity) are keen to fight.
Former pollster Joe Biden is even more bullish, arguing that the president should be more direct about the need to raise taxes on the wealthiest people to pay for this ambition.
There is no mistake. This is a big break and a powerful gambling. So far, his approval rate in the field where he chose to fight, such as coronavirus handling, financial stimulus, and infrastructure planning, has been very positive.
Not so much about the chaos of the southern border. What the president now admits is a crisis. And while the permanent issue of gun control will lead to many huffs and puffs, given the delicate balance of the Senate, it’s hard to know what he can achieve through legislation.
Joe Biden is an obsession with sticking to social distance and wearing masks, and shows a big difference from his predecessor, the free-spirited coronavirus Superspreader White House. Meetings with the president are held at a social distance. The protocol is strictly adhered to.
But this time last month, an interesting meeting was held in the East Room.
Presidential historian Jon Meacham has brought in a number of his prominent colleagues for a sit-in that Joe Biden was anxious to host. At this stage, just about 60 days after taking office, Biden was already thinking about his legacy and what he needed to do. What was the limit of the president’s power? What lessons could he learn from his predecessor?
At one point, he turned to Doris Kearns Goodwin, the most respected of these presidential scholars, and said, “I’m not an FDR, but …”.
Perhaps Joe Biden is the moment to realize Franklin Delano Roosevelt’s New Deal after the Great Depression, or the war on poverty and racial inequality defended by Lyndon B. Johnson in the 1960s. I am paying attention to this as.
Donald Trump’s taunt during the campaign was that Biden could have been in politics for over 40 years, but he had to show what to show.
Even if it doesn’t turn out to be a great theater, he seems to be trying to give a powerful and clear answer to that question.